POR CHILE CONTRA EL TPP
El tratado “Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement”, conocido como TPP, fue firmado por el gobierno de Michelle Bachelet el pasado 4 de febrero, tal como había propuesto el Presidente Barack Obama de los Estados Unidos, tras siete años de negociaciones secretas. CONVERGENCIA DE IZQUIERDAS rechaza tajantemente esta conducta pues afecta gravemente los intereses de nuestro país y de su población, por las causas que exponemos a continuación.
1.- Rechazamos el TPP por la falta de procedimientos democráticos y transparencia en su negociación.
Este tratado incide de manera significativa sobre una variada gama de materias de las actividades económica, financiera, productiva, ambiental, laboral, sanitaria, entre otras. Pese a ello, no existió debate público durante su negociación y se negó acceso a la información a la ciudadanía, a organizaciones sociales o representantes de las instituciones democráticas, contraviniendo de manera flagrante derechos políticos fundamentales de un sistema democrático asentados en el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Civiles y Políticos, suscrito por el Estado de Chile, que otorga a los ciudadanos y ciudadanas, en su artículo 25, el derecho a “participar en la dirección de los asuntos públicos, directamente o por medio de representantes libremente elegidos”.
En rigor, los únicos que tuvieron oportunidad de opinar fueron los grandes empresarios a través de la figura del Cuarto Adjunto, que en teoría es un espacio abierto de información, diálogo y debate con la sociedad civil y el sector privado que ayuda a definir las posiciones de Chile en sus negociaciones comerciales, pero que en los hechos ha significado una legitimación del lobby empresarial. No se consultó a organizaciones civiles relacionadas con la salud, pese a las trascendentales definiciones del tratado sobre los medicamentos. Pese a que el TPP afectará severamente a los pueblos originarios, tampoco ellos fueron consultados como dispone el Convenio 169 de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) sobre Pueblos Indígenas y Tribales, también suscrito por Chile; ni las organizaciones de defensa del medioambiente ni las organizaciones sindicales, aunque la firma del tratado impondrá importantes efectos sobre la políticas públicas en estos ámbitos. Las organizaciones de la sociedad civil sólo han sido informadas ex post, lo cual es una burla. Es más, la información se negó cuando fue solicitada, lo cual constituye una trasgresión a la normativa nacional sobre acceso a la información pública, ya que nunca existió un acto administrativo presidencial que es el único medio legal que podía declarar secreta la negociación del tratado. Todas estas irregularidades deberían ser motivo suficiente para invalidar el proceso de negociación y considerar ilegítimo este tratado.
2.- Rechazamos el TPP porque es absolutamente innecesario, incluso en la estrategia de desarrollo exportadora vigente en Chile.
Este acuerdo es innecesario desde el punto de vista comercial puesto que con todos los países que lo integran están vigentes tratados de libre comercio que contemplan programas de liberación arancelaria, existiendo arancel cero en la mayoría de los casos, con la excepción de algunos pocos productos en un reducido número de países. La Dirección General de Relaciones Económicas Internacionales de la Cancillería (DIRECON) ha insistido en que hay ganancias comerciales, derivadas de la denominada acumulación de origen. Sin embargo, sobre esta materia no se conocen estudios que evalúen sus potenciales beneficios sobre el comercio, el empleo o la producción. En este sentido, la DIRECON, bajo la dirección del socialista Andrés Rebolledo, ha actuado con una falta de seriedad absoluta, pues si este es el gran argumento debiese estar sólidamente respaldado por estudios que permitan medir la magnitud del impacto sobre dichas variables.
En los últimos días la DIRECON ha sacado de la manga dos nuevos argumentos: por una parte afirma que Chile obtendrá acceso para exportar, en esos países, 1.600 nuevos productos nacionales, principalmente carnes de bovinos, cerdos y cítricos, y, por otra parte, señala que en los países signatarios de este acuerdo Chile llegará a tener el 95% de sus productos exentos de arancel.
Entendemos que, respecto del primero de estos nuevos argumentos, la gran mayoría de esos nuevos 1.600 productos desgravados, no son ni nuevos ni productos diferenciados. Esa argumentación se basa en que, muy probablemente, DIRECON contabiliza un producto desagregado por distintos ítems arancelarios, los que además se multiplican por el número de mercados. En efecto, en este tipo de tratados se consideran productos distintos a distintas variedades, por ejemplo, uvas de distintas cepas son consideradas cada una como un bien distinto. A mayor abundamiento, la uva de mesa, que para el sentido común es un solo producto (o a lo más tres: blanca, negra y rosada) en realidad para estos tratados son diez, que corresponden a las 10 variedades que Chile exporta, Perlette, Flame Seedless, Sugraone, Thompson Seedless, Black Seedless, Red Globe, Ribier, Ruby Seedless, Crimson Seedless y Red Seedless. Del mismo modo, las manzanas que son 11 variedades (10 rojas y 1 verde), para estos efectos, se consideran como 11 productos distintos. Así resulta fácil y malicioso decir que 21 productos se incorporan gracias a la nueva situación y se comete un engaño a la buena fe de las personas. Si ellos se multiplicaran por los 11 mercados se amplía el engaño.
Respecto del último argumento, que afirma que el 95% de los productos estará exento de arancel, en primer lugar es necesario que se aclare cuál es ese porcentaje en la actualidad según la DIRECON y, en segundo lugar, conocer qué porción del hipotético aumento del porcentaje desgravado sólo corresponde a la aceleración de desgravaciones ya acordadas.
La teoría económica que ha sustentado la apertura comercial chilena indica la existencia de beneficios atribuibles al comercio, empero, todo muestra que en este tratado la desviación de comercio superará largamente a la creación de éste, lo que constituye, para la misma teoría, una pérdida de bienestar social.
3.- Rechazamos el TPP porque limita la soberanía nacional y coarta la capacidad del Estado para adaptarse a los cambios.
Este tratado utiliza, en su capítulo de inversiones, tres componentes fundamentales para limitar la acción pública. Primero, considera que los inversionistas tienen una “expectativa razonable de ganancia”, la que no está sujeta a información, declaración, control ni evaluación por ninguna agencia pública nacional o multilateral; segundo, que cualquier actividad o decisión de un Estado signatario que pudiera afectar esta expectativa constituye una “interferencia pública” que será causa de sanción, y, tercero, un sistema de solución de controversias entre inversionistas extranjeros y el Estado receptor de la inversión a través de tribunales arbitrales al que pueden recurrir los inversionistas cada vez que consideren que alguna política estatal afecta sus expectativas. Si producto de ello un Estado es sancionado por estos tribunales, no sólo deberá pagar la indemnización que se le aplique, sino que deberá remover la causa que dio origen a esa sanción.
Este tipo de mecanismos se viene imponiendo desde hace tiempo en los tratados internacionales de inversión y tratados de comercio que incorporan capítulos de inversión. Permite a las empresas transnacionales situarse en un nivel de igualdad frente a los estados, eludir las leyes del Estado cuestionado y otras normas del Derecho Público Internacional y demandar a los gobiernos para exigir indemnizaciones y la reversión de políticas de interés público. Al aceptar este mecanismo, el Estado signatario del TPP renuncia a su derecho soberano a la jurisdicción dentro de su territorio y deja su potestad legislativa y de regulación social, económica y ambiental sometida al arbitrio de una instancia extrajudicial, cuyas decisiones se sitúan por encima de cualquier otra institución. En efecto, los jueces designados para estos tribunales no rinden cuentas ante ninguna instancia, no están obligados a respetar la jurisprudencia ni sus fallos son susceptibles de apelación, pese a dirimir sobre temas trascendentales para la vida de una nación.
El mecanismo que el tratado estable tiende a favorecer las reclamaciones de las empresas pues se presentan en instancias de arbitraje, en el marco del CIADI (Centro Internacional de Arreglo de Diferencias Relativas a Inversiones), que hoy se encuentran fuertemente cuestionadas por su sesgo en favor de las grandes transnacionales al considerar como base jurídica de sus decisiones solamente los tratados de protección de inversiones, dejando al margen las leyes del Estado acusado y la normativa internacional en materia ambiental, laborales o los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales contenidos en la Declaración Universal de Derechos Humanos.
Además, la composición de los tribunales arbitrales favorece a la empresa querellante, la que designa uno de los tres jueces e interviene en la designación del presidente, de entre un listado de abogados cuya objetividad ha sido seriamente cuestionada por estudios que han logrado establecer que existe una verdadera industria del arbitraje que se nutre de los elevados honorarios de estos jueces, que se elevan hasta mil dólares la hora, a lo que se añade el hecho de que mucho de ellos se han desempeñado en grandes multinacionales, lo que constituye un grave conflicto de intereses.[1] Razón tiene Joseph Stiglitz, Premio Nobel de Economía en 2001, al señalar que “Estos arbitrajes, en su forma actual están realmente controlados por las grandes corporaciones (…) no se trata de una corte justa, es una que está totalmente sesgada a favor de países como EE.UU. y las grandes corporaciones”. [2]
Para agravar las cosas, las decisiones de los arbitrajes son inapelables y obligatorias para los Estados, es decir, sus resoluciones no pueden ser revisadas, aun cuando el proceso pueda presentar vicios de legitimidad y legalidad evidentes.
Por otra parte, el mecanismo de solución de controversias acordado es asimétrico pues los Estados no pueden recurrir a esos tribunales contra las empresas. Tampoco pueden las personas, comunidades u organizaciones que vean vulnerados sus derechos por las actividades de una transnacional hacerse parte de un proceso de este tipo.
Una reciente demanda de la empresa Monsanto al estado de California por reclasificar el glifosato como cancerígeno después de que la Agencia Internacional de la Organización Mundial de la Salud para la Investigación sobre el Cáncer (IARC) anunció su probable vínculo con esta grave dolencia en marzo de 2015, muestra la conducta de estas empresas y su ética y expone los riesgos de quedar sometidos como Estado a tribunales privados que vean este tipo de reclamaciones.
La situación llega a ser caricaturesca ya que estas empresas pueden declarar, a modo de ejemplo, que su expectativa de ganancia se puede ver afectada con un aumento del sueldo mínimo. Esto que parece una pesadilla para los trabajadores no lo es y ya ocurrió con Egipto producto de un tratado con disposiciones similares.
También se establece la extensión de los beneficios que otorga el TPP a inversiones previamente existentes, lo que significa una suerte de retroactividad de la ley para favorecer a estas empresas transnacionales.
Por otra parte, este tratado limita al Estado de Chile para la creación y funcionamiento de empresas públicas en cualquier materia que puede ser considerada comercial —por ejemplo, para la creación de una empresa destinada a la extracción y producción de litio o una hipotética empresa estatal de producción de energías limpias—, así como para capitalizar con recursos del Estado empresas públicas, como Ferrocarriles. La única excepción que los “negociadores” chilenos resguardaron fue para la actividad de CODELCO, siendo Chile el país que menos excepciones interpuso. En el extremo, las “farmacias populares” pudiesen ser afectadas por el cuestionamiento a su operación a través CENABAST.
Se subordinan así las políticas públicas al criterio de empresas extranjeras, disminuyendo la capacidad de adaptación de los Estados a los cambios de la realidad económica y social.
Este tratado, protege las inversiones de cualquiera naturaleza, aunque afecten un derecho tal como la privacidad de las personas, así por ejemplo el artículo 14.11.2 supone una severa vulneración de la privacidad de las personas al establecer que “Una Parte permitirá las transferencias transfronterizas de información por medios electrónicos, incluyendo la información personal, cuando esta actividad sea para la conducción de un negocio de una persona cubierta”, lo que limita la protección de la información privada de las personas en beneficio de las empresas.
Como se observa, el TPP no sólo es un tratado comercial como ha pretendido la dirección de la DIRECON, sino que es también un tratado de inversiones que favorece a las grandes empresas transnacionales, como si no fuera suficiente el DL 600 de la dictadura pinochetista.
En un contexto donde, como señala la Confederación de Trabajadores del Cobre, al menos en ese rubro, la producción privada en más de un 80% se transforma en retornos del capital, no se justifica semejante sobreprotección a la inversión externa.
4.- Rechazamos el TPP porque sus disposiciones sobre propiedad intelectual afectan el interés de Chile y su desarrollo futuro.
Aun cuando el canciller Heraldo Muñoz aseguró, en mayo pasado en la Cámara de Diputados, que Chile no aceptaría extender la protección de datos que restringe la comercialización de fármacos genéricos que contengan o sean productos biológicos a más de 5 años, y Andrés Rebolledo, director general de la DIRECON, ha afirmado que Chile logró defender su posición, el artículo 18.52.1 establece que esa protección será de 8 años o de 5 años más otras medidas que brinden un “resultado comparable” a los 8 años. Así, se está asegurando de forma encubierta, por tres años adicionales, las ganancias monopólicas de las empresas farmacéuticas transnacionales en detrimento de la salud de la población de Chile. De acuerdo a una minuta elaborada por la Subsecretaría de Salud Pública,[3] cada año adicional de protección de datos de estos medicamentos significa una pérdida anual de US$ 770 millones para Chile. El tratado recién firmado es tan inhumano con la población que este artículo explícitamente se aplica a productos que sean o contengan “una proteína producida utilizando procesos biotecnológicos para uso en seres humanos para la prevención, tratamiento, o cura de una enfermedad o condición.”
Por otra parte, el acuerdo amplía los criterios de patentabilidad conocidos (que la invención sea nueva, que tenga nivel inventivo y que tenga aplicación industrial), al garantizar la patentabilidad de “nuevos usos de un producto conocido, nuevos métodos de usar un producto conocido, o nuevos procesos de uso de un producto conocido”, lo que probablemente tendrá como resultado la renovación constante de patentes sobre los mismos productos, funcionando en contra de la innovación que se “pretende” fomentar, puesto que las empresas tendrán incentivos para declarar nuevos usos, nuevos métodos y nuevos procesos, en vez de introducir nuevas invenciones que les implican un costo mayor en investigación y desarrollo. (Cap18.37.1).
Este tratado, al extender el ámbito y los plazos de protección de la propiedad intelectual, confirma la tendencia a sobredimensionar el costo de productos farmacéuticos y de otras industrias, impuesta en los Estados Unidos por las grandes corporaciones y sus lobbystas, sobreestimando el costo del tiempo y de la inversión de investigación y, por lo tanto, asegurando ganancias extraordinarias a los detentores de patentes.
Por otra parte, el TPP exige aprobar el convenio UPOV 91. Ya el 17 de marzo de 2014 el gobierno debió retirar del Congreso el proyecto de ley que regulaba derechos sobre los obtentores vegetales, conocido como ley Monsanto, y que materializaba dicho convenio, el cual amplía el sistema de derechos a propiedad intelectual sobre semillas y sus derivados, e implicaba una serie de limitantes en cuanto a que los pequeños agricultores pudieran guardar semillas e intercambiarlas. Sin embargo, este tratado establece en el artículo 18.7.2 que “Cada parte deberá ratificar o adherirse a cada uno de los siguientes acuerdos, en caso de no haberlo hecho todavía, a la fecha de entrada en vigor de este Acuerdo para dicha Parte: (a)…, (b)…, (c)…, (d) UPOV 91.” Es decir la vigencia de este Tratado supone la plena adscripción a este convenio, lo que implica aprobar, como de contrabando, la denominada ley Monsanto. Cabe señalar que a diferencia de Nueva Zelanda que en el artículo 2 del Anexo 18-A establece que nada la “limitará para establecer medidas que considere necesarias para proteger especies vegetales autóctonas…”, ninguna protección de ese tipo fue establecida para las semillas autóctonas chilenas por los negociadores de la DIRECON.
Adicionalmente, la normativa creada por el TPP sobre marcas no contempla el aseguramiento de nombres autóctonos o de personajes históricos, lo cual puede dar origen a la desnaturalización de ellos o al empobrecimiento cultural de los pueblos. Ya conocemos del caso de una bebida Cola que, por similitud fonética pretendió apoderarse del nombre Colo Colo, lo cual fue desestimado por un tribunal civil, empero no puede asegurarse que, con la constitución de estos tribunales arbitrales ad-hoc que contempla este tratado, ocurra lo mismo para casos similares.
El TPP también impone una limitación en el acceso a la cultura y el conocimiento al establecer la protección de los derechos de autor hasta 70 años después de su muerte (artículo 18.63). Si bien este es el plazo en Chile, el tratado hará imposible cualquier reducción en el futuro. Como señala la ONG Derechos Digitales “Esto se traduce en un beneficio económico directo para Estados Unidos, principal exportador neto de productos y contenidos protegidos por derechos de autor en el mundo, con una fuerte industria de licenciamiento también protegida hasta el exceso.”
Otra consecuencia del TPP es que se recargará el sistema judicial para satisfacer el interés comercial de grandes empresas. Así sucede, al menos, por las disposiciones referidas a la TV privada (cable o señal con pago), al establecer en el capítulo 18.79.1(a) que cada Parte deberá considerar como un delito penal: “(…) la manufactura, ensamblaje, modificación, importación, exportación, venta, arrendamiento o cualquier otro modo de distribución de un dispositivo tangible o intangible o de un sistema si es para realizar o ayudar a descifrar una señal pagada”. O en el punto 2 del mismo artículo, si solo se recibe una señal una señal de satélite codificada portadora de programas.
En el artículo 18.82.(3), en el contexto de la protección de los derechos de autor, cada parte deberá asegurar que existan recursos legales disponibles o limitaciones en relación con los servicios en línea correspondientes a los proveedores de internet, y para sancionar a personas que realicen actividades de almacenamiento de material que se aloje en un sistema o red controlado u operado por o para un Proveedor de Servicios de internet; también para sancionar usuarios que desarrollen la actividad de referir o vincular a usuarios a un sitio en línea mediante el uso de herramientas de búsqueda de información, incluyendo hipervínculos y directorios. Se establece que las leyes deberán disculpar de compensaciones a los proveedores de internet que actúen para proteger los derechos de autor vulnerados. En el punto (3.b) del citado artículo se señala que “Un Proveedor de Servicios de Internet que elimine o inhabilite de buena fe el acceso al material conforme al inciso (a) estará exento de cualquier responsabilidad proveniente de ello” si es que cumple ciertas formalidades.
Lo anterior significa que el proveedor de internet debe actuar “espiando” o a simple denuncia, reemplazando así la función judicial, y cuando se establece que el proveedor debe actuar frente a simple denuncia se hace prevalecer la presunción de culpabilidad, lo que es violatorio de todo tipo de procedimiento civilizado.
Por tanto, este tratado no solo es un tratado comercial y de inversiones, sino también de propiedad intelectual, elaborado de manera de proteger el interés de las poderosas empresas transnacionales.
5.- Estamos contra el TPP porque encadena a Chile a una inserción global de servilismo a los EEUU.
Este tratado comercial, de inversiones y de predominio transnacional sobre los elementos de propiedad intelectual, a grandes rasgos supone una alineación geopolítica que perjudica nuestra inserción en nuestros espacios geopolíticos naturales que es en primer lugar el MERCOSUR, así como también con el resto de América Latina.
En segundo lugar, y en un sentido más amplio, produce un alejamiento con los referentes del espacio BRICS,[4] acentuando peligrosamente nuestra alineación con la política norteamericana y haciéndonos más dependiente de ella.
Este tipo de geopolítica dificultará futuros acuerdos regionales de Chile en materia de políticas sociales, económicas y culturales, imposibilitando el desarrollo político común de Latinoamérica, y la conformación de un potencial bloque frente a transnacionales y las grandes potencias mundiales.
Por otro lado, tras la crisis global que se detona en 2008, conocida como la crisis subprime, y las crisis recesivas que afectan a varios países europeos, como España, Grecia, Portugal, Irlanda y también Italia, así como la desaceleración del crecimiento chino, se vive un proceso de reestructuración del sistema que pretende salvar la hegemonía de los más poderosos y potentes responsables del orden neoliberal mundial.
En este proceso de salvataje, este tratado cumple un doble rol. De una parte, junto con su homólogo entre EE.UU y la UE, el TT-IP (que ya ha sido rechazado por más de 250.000 berlineses que marcharon en su contra), intenta conformar una nueva élite hegemónica a nivel planetario, que fundada en la propiedad intelectual, comparta con los principales grupos financieros del planeta la hegemonía global. El segundo rol es asegurar la hegemonía norteamericana frente a Rusia y China, buscando además la subordinación estratégica de India y Brasil.
Las condiciones de entrada en vigor del TPP señalan que se deben cumplir todos los trámites de ratificación que exija cada legislación interna de los signatarios, en al menos 6 países, con la condición que representen entre ellos el 85% del PIB de los 12 suscriptores. Si el congreso norteamericano no lo ratifica, aunque los otros 11 países lo hagan, el tratado no entrará en vigencia pues EE.UU por sí sólo representa el 63,4% del PIB de los 12. ¿Es este es el “sentido patriótico” con que negoció la DIRECON? Esto permite darse cuenta de los intereses a los que sirve este tratado.
Más aún, Estados Unidos aprobó el “fast track” para la negociación del TPP, es decir que el Congreso Norteamericano votará sí o no al TPP. Sin embargo, en la legislación que aprobó el fast track se establece que el Presidente de los EE.UU., antes de enviar la carta donde notifica al resto de los miembros que su país ha completado los requisitos legales para la implementación del TPP, deberá certificar que las otras partes han modificado sus legislaciones y/o políticas de manera tal que cumplen con la interpretación que EE.UU. hace de las normas acordadas en el TPP. Es decir, el TPP no entrará en vigencia a menos que EE.UU. apruebe las leyes de los otros países, lo que puede significar el gobierno de EE.UU. mantenga un rol de injerencia en la legislación interna de los estados signatarios mientras se cumplen las condiciones de ratificación, incluyendo demandas que no fueron acordadas durante las rondas de negociación.
Entre otros cuestionamientos, es sabido que Chile está incluido en la “Priority Watch Lists” de EE.UU. por no respetar su interpretación sobre los acuerdos en propiedad intelectual emanados del TLC bilateral, particularmente respecto de la protección a los productos farmacéuticos, resguardo a las medidas de protección tecnológica, de la responsabilidad de los proveedores de internet en relación con la violación de derechos de autor, la implementación de medidas que protejan señales satelitales encriptadas, y la implementación del Convenio UPOV 91. Así, el proceso de certificación estadounidense será la oportunidad en que se obligue a Chile a adoptar su interpretación del TLC, así como la del TPP.
Se configura así un cuadro de consolidación de la subordinación de los intereses nacionales a los del 1% más rico y de agravamiento de las condiciones de vida del 99% más pobre de la población mundial.
6.- Rechazamos el TPP porque compromete el desarrollo económico, social y político de Chile.
Cuando el país se debate entre la desconfianza y el rechazo a las formas anquilosadas de la política; cuando en nuestro pueblo crece la sensación de desamparo e indignación frente a la subordinación de la política a los grandes negocios; cuando es fundamental cambiar las cosas para dar un salto democrático y contra las desigualdades, para reconstruir una sociedad tan dañada en sus confianzas como la chilena, con este tratado se privilegian, una vez más, los intereses privados por sobre los de las personas y se debilitan los medios democráticos para decidir sobre su vida.
Ante la precariedad a la que se enfrentan cotidianamente los chilenos en este orden neoliberal, las medidas previstas por este tratado significarán el encarecimiento de los medicamentos, violación de la privacidad de datos personales, obstáculos para la producción alimentaria tradicional, a la vez que restricciones para que el Estado pueda implementar políticas públicas para la protección ambiental, mejorar la salud pública, el régimen laboral o en cualquier otra materia si estas pudieran ser interpretadas como afectación de las ganancias esperadas de las empresas extranjeras. Gravísima resulta la desprotección de derechos fundamentales ya previstos en nuestra legislación y en los convenios internacionales suscritos por Chile.
Este es un tratado que está hecho, en primer término, a la medida de los intereses de las grandes empresas transnacionales, cuyos lobbystas han conseguido que el gobierno de los Estados Unidos obtenga para ellos toda clase de garantías y libertades El responde claramente al diseño estratégico de los EEUU, que intenta sobreponerse a la competencia de las economías emergentes, China en el Pacífico, Brasil en América Latina, Rusia en Europa. Las ventajas para Chile en este alineamiento son más que discutibles siendo China nuestra principal contraparte comercial y Brasil un aliado estratégico en la perspectiva de constituir una alianza latinoamericana de largo plazo.
En segundo lugar responde al interés de las grandes empresas y conglomerados empresariales locales, mientras la sociedad civil permanece ausente de todos sus mecanismos.
En este diseño, queda reforzada la inserción comercial basada en ventajas comparativas estáticas, agro-extractivas, tornando estéril un debate nacional acerca del patrón productivo del país y sus efectos distributivos.
El TPP más que desarrollar una economía de mercado, contribuye poderosamente a una corriente de conservadurismo que consolida más una sociedad de mercado pues los diversos ámbitos de la vida, como salud, educación, etcétera se consideran un espacio mercantil. Éste tratado es parte de una estrategia de poner candados al orden existente frente al creciente repudio mundial al status quo.
Resulta evidente que las marginales ganancias comerciales, si existieren, no justifican la vulneración de derechos, la pérdida de soberanía y el compromiso para nuestro desarrollo democrático que el tratado afecta de manera irremediable. No entrar hoy en el TPP carece de costos; en cambio tomar en el futuro la imprescindible decisión de salir no evitará los daños causados. Estas son cadenas que el país no necesita.
Resulta vergonzoso que un acuerdo tan lesivo haya sido firmado por un gobierno que se decía un gobierno de reformas. Ratificarlo significaría subordinar los intereses del 99% de los chilenos a los más poderosos del planeta, un puñado de grandes corporaciones transnacionales.
Por ello CONVERGENCIA DE IZQUIERDAS llama a la ciudadanía y a las fuerzas sociales a defender el interés mayoritario de habitantes de Chile, a movilizarse para evitar la ratificación de este indigno tratado, en particular participar de las convocatorias que realice la agrupación de organizaciones e instituciones CHILE MEJOR SIN TPP. Llamamos a todos los movimientos, organizaciones y partidos políticos preocupados de la soberanía nacional y del bienestar de las grandes mayorías nacionales y populares a rechazar el tratado y a hacer conciencia en la ciudadanía de su real significado y consecuencias. Les pedimos a los parlamentarios votar rechazando este convenio. La historia y las generaciones futuras de habitantes de Chile nos juzgarán.
Por nuestra parte nos comprometemos a insistir en esta patriótica lucha manteniendo la dignidad que nos enseñara el Presidente Salvador Allende frente a esas empresas transnacionales, tan notablemente diferente de la conducta genuflexiva exhibida por este gobierno, cuando en la ONU en 1972, visionariamente entrego un mensaje que hoy adquiere más vigencia que nunca:
“Estamos ante un verdadero conflicto frontal entre las grandes corporaciones transnacionales y los Estados. Estos aparecen interferidos en sus decisiones fundamentales -políticas, económicas y militares- por organizaciones globales que no dependen de ningún estado y que no responden ni están fiscalizadas por ningún Parlamento, por ninguna institución representativa del interés colectivo. En una palabra, es toda la estructura política del mundo la que está siendo socavada. Las grandes empresas transnacionales no solo atentan contra los intereses genuinos de los países en desarrollo sino que su acción avasalladora e incontrolada se da también en los países industrializados donde se asientan”.
CONVERGENCIA DE IZQUIERDAS
[1] «Cuando la injusticia es negocio». Pia Eberhardt y Cecilia Olivet. Corporate Europe Observatory y Transnational Institute. Bruselas / Amsterdam, noviembre de 2012
[2] El Mercurio, 26.11.2015 http://www.elmercurio.com//Inversiones/Noticias/Fondos-Mutuos/2015/11/26/Stiglitz-insta-a-Chile-a-rechazar-TPP-corporaciones-tendran-un-poder-incontrolable.aspx?platform=hootsuite
[3] “Impacto económico y sanitario de la extensión de la protección de datos de productos farmacéuticos biológicos, contenida en el TPP”. Subsecretaría de Salud Pública. Ministerio de Salud
[4] Brasil, Rusia, India, China y Sudáfrica
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