Declaración conjunta Chile sin TLC , parlamentarios, organizaciones sociales de Chile y la UniónEuropea al cierre de negociación del Acuerdo Chile/UE
El mismo día en que la ministra Antonia Urrejola acordó en Bruselas el cierre de la negociación Chile/Unión Europea (8 de diciembre de 2022) dimos a conocer a la declaración conjunta suscrita por organizaciones, partidos políticos y personas de la Unión Europea y Chile suscribieron una declaración conjunta promovida por Chile Mejor sin TLC, rechazando el secreto Acuerdo de Modernización Chile/Unión Europea, anunciado por el gobierno del Presidente Gabriel Boric. Entre más de 500 firmas de adhesión recabadas virtualmente en 6 días, destacamos las de Jean Luc Mélenchon ex candidato presidencial y líder de la izquierda francesa, dirigente de la France Insoumise; del vicepresidente del Senado de Francia, Pierre Laurent y los eurodiputados Ana Miranda (Bloque Nacional Galego –Grupo Verdes-ALE ), Miguel Urban (Anticapitalistas, The Left, Parlamento Europeo), y Manu Pineda (Partido Comunista de España). En Chile, las diputadas Marisela Santibáñez, Ana María Gazmuri, Camila Musante, Viviana Delgado y el diputado Hernán Palma, junto al Alcalde de Recoleta, Daniel Jadue suscribieron la declaración. Asimismo lo hicieron el Movimiento Socialismo Allendista y el Partido Igualdad. Académicos como José Gabriel Palma, Alberto Arroyo, Luciana Ghiotto y la Fundación Sol también adhirieron a esta denuncia sobre el carácter neocolonial del Acuerdo, tal como hizo en Francia el senador y director del periódico L´Humanité Fabien Gay.
Borrell levanta paradigma colonizador
Nuestro llamado es a frenar y rechazar la llamada Modernización del Tratado de la Unión Europea con Chile, una expresión de neocolonialismo funcional a la electromovilidad de la UE y a los negocios de sus corporaciones transnacionales. Joseph Borrell, a nombre de la Comisión Europea, reivindicó recientemente ante parlamentarios europeos y latinoamericanos, el paradigma de los “descubridores y conquistadores”. Ello es ilustrativo, porque por cada kilo de hidrógeno “verde” se usan 10 litros de agua dulce desmineralizados y energía a gran escala, proveniente de la reconversión de territorios agrícolas, en sitios para proyectos fotovoltaicos o éólicos, requeridos para esa exportación de combustible “renovables”. Este acuerdo implica que Chile deberá pagar los costos ambientales, sociales y climáticos requeridos para la transición europea, y para perpetuar en esos países, el uso del automóvil en vez de priorizar el transporte público.
Entre las 91 organizaciones que firmaron a lo largo de Chile el llamado encabezado por Chile Mejor sin TLC, están No Más AFP, la Fundación Sol, organizaciones socioambientales, ANAMURI, MAT, Alianza Basura Cero, OLCA, Ecoceános, colectivos ecológicos comunales, Fundación Constituyente XXI; Red de Acción en Plaguicidas Chile; la Coordinadora Feminista de Peñalolén, Artistas pro Ecología; y colectivos por la soberanía alimentaria, de derechos humanos, así como sindicatos de la salud y el sector privado, Redes de Abastecimiento Popular, y la Federación Nacional de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores de Call center; comisiones de DDHH de los Colegios de Antropólogos, de Enfermeras y de los colegios Profesionales; y la Coordinadora Sindical del Sector Privado. También suscribieron la Coordinación Nacional Familiares de la Memoria Niet@s y el Cabildo Reflexión, acción y formación Popular Quinta Normal y medios como De Frente y Werken Rojo.
Del extranjero destacan América Latina Mejor sin TLC, la Vía Campesina, GRAIN, CLATE (Confederación Latinoamericana y del Caribe de Trabajadores Estatales); ATTAC (de Argentina, Francia, Países Bajos, Austria); TNI, ZAMMM (Austria), Acción Ecológica (Ecuador), Troca (Plataforma por un Comercio Internacional Justo, de Portugal), War on Want (Bretaña), Ecologistas en Acción (España).
A continuación el texto completo de la declaración, en español, inglés, alemán y francés.
¿Feliz Navidad para Quién? Declaración conjunta de Chile sin TLC, diputados, y org. sociales de Chile y la Unión Europea
Ante la inminente firma por los gobiernos de Chile y la UE, de la “modernización” del acuerdo de asociación entre Chile y la Unión Europea, sostenemos lo siguiente (desde Chile).
Tras prolongadas negociaciones secretas, los parlamentos deberán una vez más, aprobar o rechazar un acuerdo respecto del cual pueblos y congresos hemos estado desinformados. En el caso chileno, la información sobre el Acuerdo sólo proviene de la prensa vinculada a los grandes grupos de interés y en el caso europeo, la información se ha demostrado insuficiente. Sólo accederemos al acuerdo completo tras su firma.
1.- Nuestras aprensiones surgen en medio de la crisis ecológica y energética global, ante un acuerdo con disposiciones climáticas débiles que sólo garantiza el aumento de las emisiones de gases de carbono, a espaldas de compromisos del Acuerdo de París y alertas de la COP 27.
2.- El acuerdo fomentará la exportación de bienes industriales y procesados de la UE a Chile. En Chile el aumento de exportaciones en los sectores agrícola y minero perpetuará los actuales patrones de desequilibrio comercial y dependencia. Se profundizará la crisis del agua y otros problemas de calidad de vida en los territorios en sacrificio, con más deterioro de los ecosistemas y la salud de las personas. El principio precautorio citado en el tratado, no aplica respecto de las normas sobre plaguicidas, manteniendo los dañinos impactos de los agrotóxicos importados en la salud de las mujeres y sectores vulnerables. Las disposiciones ambientales, laborales y de género no son vinculantes, ni lo es el anexo referido a Derechos Humanos, puesto que el grueso de la negociación fue desarrollado en 2019/20 por el gobierno de Sebastián Piñera, responsable de violaciones sistemáticas de los DDHH en los años de la revuelta popular.
3.- El capítulo sobre prácticas regulatorias otorga a los inversores la posibilidad de interferir en la elaboración de las políticas públicas, ya que obliga a las autoridades reguladoras a que las partes interesadas participen en las decisiones sobre medidas que puedan interferir en su negocio. Si estas medidas no son del gusto de las empresas, podrían dar lugar a disputas arbitrales entre inversores y Estados, según el capítulo de protección de las inversiones del acuerdo. Pero las contrapartes de la UE no tienen posibilidad alguna de incidir en las políticas públicas de la UE.
4.- En el tema de las licitaciones públicas (compras públicas), es más probable que sean las grandes empresas de la UE las que entren en el mercado de contratación pública chilena, y no que ocurra lo contrario. La competencia desleal entre las pequeñas empresas o PYMES, y las empresas internacionales, tiende a expulsar del mercado al competidor local. La medida apunta a ampliar la lista de sectores de negocios abiertos a inversores extranjeros (actualmente la empresa estatal chilena CODELCO, entre otras, no está incluida).
5.- En el tema del comercio electrónico, se agrega la cláusula de libre movilidad de datos, es decir las partes están impedidas de adoptar normativas respecto al almacenamiento, procesamiento o acceso a los datos de una empresa. Ello puede generar problemas para los países, en términos de soberanía, diseño de políticas públicas y seguridad, entre otros. Ningún país puede pedir a otro acceso al código fuente y algoritmo asociado de una empresa, lo cual es contrario a la normativa europea en temas de inteligencia artificial. Esto es clave y es político, porque los algoritmos interactúan con personas o deciden sobre los derechos de los ciudadanos. Se necesita poder auditar los algoritmos para proteger contra la discriminación y noticias falsas, entre otros.
6.- Respecto de la Inversión y protección de la inversión, hay una vulneración de la soberanía ya que el capítulo aplica las mismas cláusulas conocidas en el sistema de ISDS, entre otras las de trato justo y equitativo y expropiación indirecta, normas que ya aplican para los 18 acuerdos bilaterales de inversión Chile/UE pero ahora se amplían a otros 9 estados miembros.
Se establece un sistema de Tribunales de Inversión compuestos por árbitros que no son jueces sino abogados, bajo las mismas reglas mencionadas, ajenas a las leyes nacionales. Sólo los inversores pueden demandar, no así los Estados parte, ni las comunidades afectadas por quedar sin agua o por la extinción de especies.
7.- Finalmente, el capítulo sobre Energía incorpora cláusulas que preocupan en el caso de Chile, ya que garantizan el acceso europeo a materias primas energéticas como el litio, al cobre, y a combustibles renovables como el llamado hidrógeno verde, estableciendo mecanismos que recortan la capacidad del Estado de decidir cómo regular sus bienes comunes naturales. El acuerdo vela por los intereses de la UE y su objetivo de transición energética y electromovilidad que requiere importar ciertos materiales estratégicos, pero ignora los intereses (y costos) de las contrapartes. Según el acuerdo, los principios que deben aplicar las contrapartes son los de transparencia y no-discriminación, así como las reglas del mercado internacional y de precio internacional para vender a la UE. Si Chile establece impuestos altos, o subvenciones, o fija sus propios precios, y adopta normas restrictivas para las inversiones extranjeras, estas medidas serían consideradas como un obstáculo o barrera técnica al comercio.
De esta manera, la UE se garantiza que Chile le venda el litio al mismo precio que a un empresario nacional o a un país vecino, sin royalty ni restricción alguna a su acceso. Ello se extiende a la infraestructura de energía para el transporte de electricidad de la otra Parte, es decir, habrá carreteras y sistemas interconectados sin impuestos especiales ni compensaciones.
Neocolonialismo europeo
Este tratado constituye una expresión de neocolonialismo, pues no considera los altos impactos de esta estrategia en Chile. Por cada kilo de hidrógeno se usan 10 litros de agua dulce desmineralizados y energía a gran escala, proveniente de la reconversión de territorios agrícolas en sitios para proyectos fotovoltaicos o éólicos, en zonas ya fragilizadas por el extractivismo imperante en las últimas décadas. Todo ello orientado hacia la exportación. Desde los territorios y ecosistemas donde se encuentra el litio y otros minerales, y también por las comunidades, son ya visibles los impactos de la explotación intensiva de los salares y entorno. Este acuerdo, funcional a la electromovilidad de la UE y a los negocios de sus corporaciones transnacionales, contribuirá a que en la UE se perpetúe el uso del automóvil en vez de, por ejemplo, priorizar el transporte público. Se trata de una transición del sistema energético europeo que externaliza los costos ambientales, sociales y climáticos a los países periféricos, en este caso Chile. Llamamos entonces a rechazar la llamada Modernización del Tratado de la Unión Europea con Chile.
Necesitamos avanzar hacia una transición que saque el mercado y la mercantilización del centro de la política sobre cambio climático, priorizando por la vida, la producción sustentable y la justicia ambiental y climática.
¡La vida vale más que los negocios!
¡Los pueblos de Chile y las naciones de la UE requieren justicia ambiental!
¡Rechazar este TLC es asegurar nuestro futuro común!
[VERSIÓN EN INGLÉS / ENGLISH VERSION]
The new trade agreement between Chile and the EU must be stopped
Joint statement by the Platform „Chile without Free Trade Agreements“ network, MPs and social organizations
In view of the forthcoming signing of the «modernization» of the Association Agreement between Chile and the European Union by the governments of Chile and the EU, we note the following.
After lengthy negotiations behind closed doors, parliaments will again have to approve or reject an agreement about which the people and their political representatives in parliaments and congresses have not been informed. In the Chilean case, the information about the agreement comes only from the press linked to the major interest groups, and in the European case, the information has turned out to be insufficient. We will only know exactly what has been negotiated after it has been signed.
- What is clear, however, is that in the midst of a global environmental and energy crisis, Chile and the EU want to sign an agreement with weak climate provisions that will lead to more greenhouse gas emissions, contradicting the Paris Agreement commitments and the COP 27 warnings.
- The agreement will encourage EU exports of manufactured goods to Chile. In Chile, increasing exports in the agricultural and mining sectors will perpetuate current patterns of trade imbalance and dependency. The water crisis and other problems that are severely affecting the quality of life in the affected areas will worsen, further deteriorating ecosystems and human health. The precautionary principle enshrined in the treaty does not apply to pesticide regulations. As a result, the harmful effects of imported pesticides on the health of women and vulnerable populations will remain. The clauses or chapters on environmental protection, labor standards and gender equality are not binding, nor is the part on human rights. This is not surprising given that much of the 2019-2020 negotiations were taken over by the Sebastián Piñera government, responsible for systematic human rights abuses during the years of the «revuelta popular» (popular uprising).
- The chapter on regulatory practices gives European investors the opportunity to get involved in political decision-making in Chile, as regulators are required to involve «stakeholders» in decisions about actions that could affect their operations. According to the investment protection chapter of the agreement, if the state regulatory measures are not in the interests of companies, they could lead to investor-state arbitration (ISDS).
- Regarding public procurement, large EU companies are more likely to enter the Chilean public procurement market than vice versa. Unfair competition between small companies or SMEs and international companies results in the local competitor being squeezed out of the market. The «modernized» agreement aims to expand the list of sectors open to foreign investors (currently not including the Chilean state-owned CODELCO, among others).
- In the area of e-commerce, the clause on the free movement of data is added, i.e. the contracting parties may not regulate the storage, processing or access to a company’s data. This can lead to problems for the countries, e.g. related to sovereignty, public order and security. The agreement stipulates that no country can require another country to have access to a company’s source code and the associated algorithm. However, this contradicts the European standard on artificial intelligence. This point is of central and political importance. Because algorithms interact with people and have a significant impact on social life. Algorithms must be able to be checked, among other things, to protect against discrimination and fake news.
- The chapter on investment protection is a violation of state sovereignty. The reformed Investor-State Arbitration Mechanism (ICS, Investment Court System) still allows the use of the same clauses known from the ISDS system, including the fair and just treatment and indirect expropriation. These rules, which already apply to the 18 bilateral investment agreements between Chile and EU member states, are extended to nine additional EU member states with the agreement. ICS remains an exclusive parallel jurisdiction, accessible only to investors, not to Member States, nor to communities affected by water loss or species extinction.
- Finally, the chapter on energy and raw materials contains clauses which are of concern in the case of Chile. This chapter guarantees European access to energy resources such as lithium, copper and renewable fuels such as so-called green hydrogen. The chapter also introduces mechanisms that limit the state’s ability to decide how to regulate its natural commons. The agreement is aligned with the interests of the EU to implement its energy transition and increased electric mobility, which requires the import of certain strategically important raw materials. At the same time, the consequences this has for Chile are being ignored. According to the agreement, the trading partners are subject to the principles of transparency and non-discrimination, as well as international market and price rules for sales to the EU. If Chile wants to levy higher taxes on, for example, mining products, introduce subsidies, set its own prices and impose regulations on foreign investment, these measures would be considered (technical) barriers to trade and could result in sanctions. So, with this chapter, the EU is guaranteed that Chile will sell its lithium, among other things, at the same price as a local entrepreneur or a neighboring country, with no royalties or entry restrictions. This also applies to access to (energy) infrastructure, which must be possible without any restrictions or additional payments.
European neocolonialism
This agreement is an expression of a neo-colonial understanding of trade. It advances European interests while ignoring the massive consequences for Chile. For example, for every kilo of hydrogen, 10 liters of demineralized fresh water and energy are consumed on a large scale. The latter stems from the conversion of agricultural land into sites for photovoltaic or wind energy projects, in areas already weakened by the extractivism that has prevailed in recent decades.
All of this is export oriented. In the places where lithium and other minerals are mined, the effects of the intensive exploitation of the salt pans and the environment are already visible. This agreement, which is intended to secure the future of electromobility in the EU and the business of transnational corporations, promotes an obsolete system. The conversion of the European energy system must not be at the expense of the environment, society and the climate in the countries of the Global South. We therefore call for the rejection of the «modernized» EU Association Agreement with Chile.
Trade at eye level means giving priority to life, sustainable production and environmental and climate justice over short-term profit interests. #StopEUChile
VERSIÓN EN ALEMÁN / DEUTSCHE VERSION]
Gemeinsame Erklärung des Netzwerks „Chile ohne Freihandelsabkommen“, Abgeordneten und sozialen Organisationen aus Chile und der EU (30/11/2022)
Im Hinblick auf die bevorstehende Unterzeichnung der «Modernisierung» des Assoziierungsabkommens zwischen Chile und der Europäischen Union durch die Regierungen Chiles und der EU halten wir Folgendes fest.
Nach langwierigen Verhandlungen hinter verschlossenen Türen werden die Parlamente erneut ein Abkommen billigen oder ablehnen müssen, über das die Menschen und ihre politischen Vertretungen in Parlamenten und Kongressen nicht informiert wurden. Im chilenischen Fall stammen die Informationen über das Abkommen nur aus der Presse, die mit den großen Interessengruppen verbunden ist, und im europäischen Fall haben sich die Informationen als unzureichend erwiesen. Wir werden erst nach der Unterzeichnung überhaupt wissen, was genau ausgehandelt wurde.
Klar ist jedoch, dass Chile und die EU inmitten einer globalen Umwelt- und Energiekrise, ein Abkommen mit schwachen Klimabestimmungen unterzeichnen wollen, das zu mehr Treibhausgasemissionen führen wird und damit den Verpflichtungen des Pariser Abkommens und den Warnungen der COP 27 widerspricht.
Das Abkommen wird die Ausfuhr von Industrieprodukten und verarbeiteten Gütern aus der EU nach Chile fördern. In Chile wird die Steigerung der Exporte im Agrar- und Bergbausektor die derzeitigen Muster des Handelsungleichgewichts und der Abhängigkeit verstetigen. Die Wasserkrise und andere Probleme, die die Lebensqualität in den betroffenen Gebieten massiv beeinträchtigen, werden sich verschärfen und die Ökosysteme und die Gesundheit der Menschen weiter verschlechtern. Das im Vertrag verankerte Vorsorgeprinzip gilt nicht für Pestizidregulierungen. Damit werden die schädlichen Auswirkungen importierter Pestizide auf die Gesundheit von Frauen und gefährdeten Bevölkerungsgruppen bestehen bleiben. Die Klauseln bzw. Kapitel zu Umweltschutz, Arbeitsstandards und Geschlechtergerechtigkeit sind nicht verbindlich, ebenso wenig wie der Teil zu Menschenrechten. Dass ist nicht überraschend, da ein Großteil der Verhandlungen 2019/20 von der Regierung Sebastián Piñera übernommen wurde, die für systematische Menschenrechtsverletzungen in den Jahren der «revuelta popular» (Volksaufstand) verantwortlich ist.
Das Kapitel über die Regulierungspraktiken gibt europäischen Investoren die Möglichkeit, sich in die politische Entscheidungsfindung in Chile einzumischen, da die Regulierungsbehörden verpflichtet sind, die «Betroffenen» (stakeholders) in Entscheidungen über Maßnahmen einzubeziehen, die sich auf ihre Geschäftstätigkeit auswirken könnten. Wenn die staatlichen Regulierungsmaßnahmen nicht im Sinne der Unternehmen sind, könnten sie laut dem Investitionsschutzkapitel des Abkommens zu Investor-Staat-Schiedsverfahren (ISDS) führen.
In Bezug auf öffentliche Ausschreibungen ist es wahrscheinlicher, dass große EU-Unternehmen in den chilenischen Markt für öffentliche Beschaffung eintreten werden, als umgekehrt. Unlauterer Wettbewerb zwischen kleinen Unternehmen oder KMU und internationalen Unternehmen führt dazu, dass der lokale Wettbewerber vom Markt verdrängt wird. Das «modernisierte» Abkommen zielt darauf ab, die Liste der Wirtschaftszweige zu erweitern, die ausländischen Investoren offenstehen (derzeit ist u.a. das chilenische Staatsunternehmen CODELCO nicht eingeschlossen).
Im Bereich des elektronischen Handels wird die Klausel über die Freizügigkeit von Daten hinzugefügt, d.h. die Vertragsparteien dürfen keine Vorschriften über die Speicherung, die Verarbeitung oder den Zugang zu den Daten eines Unternehmens erlassen. Dies kann zu Problemen für die Länder führen, u. a. in Bezug auf Souveränität, Gestaltung der öffentlichen Ordnung und Sicherheit. Das Abkommen sieht vor, dass kein Land kann von einem anderen Land den Zugang zum Quellcode eines Unternehmens und dem dazugehörigen Algorithmus verlangen kann. Dies steht jedoch im Widerspruch zur europäischen Norm über künstliche Intelligenz. Dieser Punkt ist von zentraler und politischer Bedeutung. Denn Algorithmen interagieren mit den Menschen und beeinflussen das gesellschaftliche Leben erheblich. Algorithmen müssen unter anderem zum Schutz vor Diskriminierung und Fake News überprüft werden können.
Das Kapitel zu Investitionen und Investitionsschutz stellt eine Verletzung der staatlichen Souveränität dar. Der reformierte Investor-Staats-Schiedsmechanismus (ICS, Investment Court System) erlaubt nach wie vor die Anwendung derselben Klauseln, die aus dem ISDS-System bekannt sind, einschließlich der fairen und gerechten Behandlung und der indirekten Enteignung. Diese Regeln, die bereits für die 18 bilateralen Investitionsabkommen zwischen Chile und EU-Mitgliedsstaaten gelten, werden mit dem Abkommen auf neun weitere EU-Mitgliedstaaten ausgedehnt. ICS stellt weiterhin eine exklusive Parallelgerichtsbarkeit dar, zu der nur Investoren Zugang haben, nicht aber die Mitgliedstaaten und auch nicht die Gemeinden, die von Wasserverlust oder Artensterben betroffen sind.
Schließlich enthält das Kapitel zu Energie und Rohstoffen Klauseln, die im Falle Chiles besorgniserregend sind. Sie garantieren europäischen Zugang zu Energierohstoffen wie Lithium, Kupfer und erneuerbaren Brennstoffen, wie dem so genannten grünen Wasserstoff. Außerdem führt das Kapitel Mechanismen ein, die die Fähigkeit des Staates einschränken, über die Regulierung seiner natürlichen Gemeingüter zu entscheiden. Das Abkommen ist an den Interessen der EU zur Umsetzung ihrer Energiewende und erhöhter Elektromobilität ausgerichtet, die den Import bestimmter strategisch wichtiger Rohstoffe benötigt. Gleichzeitig werden die Folgen, die dies für Chile hat, ignoriert. Gemäß dem Abkommen gelten für die Handelspartner die Grundsätze der Transparenz und Nichtdiskriminierung sowie internationale Markt- und Preisregeln für Verkäufe in die EU. Wenn Chile höhere Steuern auf bspw. Bergbauprodukte erheben, Subventionen einführen, seine eigenen Preise festsetzen und Vorschriften für ausländische Investitionen erlassen möchte, würden diese Maßnahmen als (technisches) Handelshemmnisse betrachtet werden und könnten Sanktionen nach sich ziehen. Mit diesem Kapitel wird der EU also garantiert, dass Chile ihr u.a. Lithium zum gleichen Preis verkauft wie einem einheimischen Unternehmer oder einem Nachbarland, und zwar ohne Lizenzgebühren oder Zugangsbeschränkungen. Dies gilt auch für den Zugang zu (Energie-) Infrastruktur der ohne jegliche Einschränkungen oder Zusatzzahlungen möglich sein muss.
Europäischer Neokolonialismus
Dieses Abkommen ist Ausdruck eines neokolonialen Handelsverständnisses. Es fördert europäische Interessen, während es die massiven Konsequenzen für Chile unter den Tisch kehrt. Es ist bspw. so, dass für jedes Kilo Wasserstoff 10 Liter entmineralisiertes Süßwasser und Energie in großem Maßstab verbraucht werden. Letztere stammt aus der Umwandlung von landwirtschaftlichen Flächen in Standorte für Photovoltaik- oder Windenergieprojekte, und zwar in Gebieten, die durch den in den letzten Jahrzehnten vorherrschenden Extraktivismus bereits geschwächt sind. All dies ist exportorientiert. An den Orten, in denen Lithium und andere Mineralien gefördert werden, sind die Auswirkungen der intensiven Ausbeutung der Salinen und der Umwelt bereits sichtbar. Dieses Abkommen, das die Zukunft der Elektromobilität in der EU und die Geschäfte der transnationalen Konzerne sichern soll, fördert ein obsoletes System. Die Umstellung des europäischen Energiesystems darf nicht auf Kosten der Umwelt, Gesellschaft und des Klimas in den Ländern des Globalen Südens gehen. Wir fordern daher die Ablehnung des „modernisierten“ EU-Assoziierungsabkommens mit Chile.
Handel auf Augenhöhe bedeutet, dem Leben, der nachhaltigen Produktion und der Umwelt- und Klimagerechtigkeit Vorrang vor kurzfristigen Profitinteressen einzuräumen. #StopEUChile
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Versión en Francés
Le nouvel accord commercial entre le Chili et l’UE doit être arrêté
Déclaration conjointe de la plateforme «le Chili sans accord de libre-échange», d’organisations de la société civile sud-américaines et européennes et de représentants politiques.
Face à la signature prochaine de l’accord d’association «modernisé» entre le Chili et l’Union européenne (UE) par les gouvernements des deux parties, nous exprimons notre désaccord.
Après de longues négociations à huis clos, les parlements devront à nouveau approuver ou rejeter un accord, dont les populations et leurs représentants politiques n’ont pas été informés. Dans le cas chilien, l’information sur l’accord provient uniquement de la presse liée aux grands groupes d’intérêt, et dans le cas européen, l’information s’est avérée insuffisante. Nous n’aurons accès à l’accord complet qu’après sa signature.
- Ce qui est clair, cependant, c’est qu’au milieu d’une crise mondiale de l’environnement et de l’énergie, le Chili et l’UE veulent signer un accord avec des dispositions climatiques faibles qui conduiront à plus d’émissions de gaz à effet de serre, en contradiction avec les engagements de l’Accord de Paris et les avertissements de la COP 27.
- L’accord encouragera les exportations européennes de produits manufacturés vers le Chili. Au Chili, l’augmentation des exportations dans les secteurs agricole et minier perpétuera les modèles actuels de déséquilibre commercial et de dépendance au marché mondial. La crise de l’eau et les autres problèmes qui affectent gravement la qualité de vie dans les zones touchées s’aggraveront, détériorant davantage les écosystèmes et la santé des populations. Le principe de précaution, inscrit dans le traité, ne s’applique pas à la réglementation des pesticides. Par conséquent, les effets néfastes des pesticides importés sur la santé des femmes et des populations vulnérables subsisteront. Les clauses ou chapitres sur la protection de l’environnement, les normes du travail et l’égalité des sexes ne sont pas contraignants, pas plus que la partie sur les droits humains. Cela n’est pas surprenant, étant donné qu’une grande partie des négociations entre 2019 et 2020 ont été menées par le gouvernement de Sebastián Piñera, responsable d’atteintes systématiques aux droits humains pendant les années de la «revuelta popular» (soulèvement populaire).
- Le chapitre sur les pratiques de réglementation donne aux investisseurs européens la possibilité de s’impliquer dans la prise de décision politique au Chili, car les autorités réglementaires sont tenues d’associer les «parties prenantes» aux décisions concernant les actions susceptibles d’affecter leurs activités. Selon le chapitre de l’accord consacré à la protection des investissements, si les mesures réglementaires de l’État ne sont pas dans l’intérêt des entreprises, elles peuvent donner lieu à un arbitrage entre investisseurs et États (connu sous l’acronyme anglais ISDS).
- En ce qui concerne les marchés publics, les grandes entreprises de l’UE sont plus susceptibles de pénétrer le marché public chilien que l’inverse. La concurrence déloyale entre les petites entreprises ou les PME, et les entreprises internationales, a pour conséquence d’évincer le concurrent local du marché. Le nouvel accord dit «modernisé» vise à élargir la liste des secteurs ouverts aux investisseurs étrangers (actuellement, la société d’État chilienne CODELCO, entre autres, n’en fait pas partie).
- Dans le domaine du commerce électronique, la clause sur la libre circulation des données est présente, c’est-à-dire qu’il est interdit aux parties contractantes de réglementer le stockage, le traitement ou l’accès aux données d’une entreprise. Cela peut créer des problèmes pour les pays, notamment en matière de souveraineté, d’ordre public et de sécurité. L’accord stipule qu’aucun pays ne peut exiger qu’un autre pays ait accès au code source d’une entreprise et à l’algorithme associé. Cette disposition est toutefois en contradiction avec la norme européenne sur l’intelligence artificielle. Ce point est d’une importance capitale et politique car les algorithmes interagissent avec les personnes, et ont un impact important sur la vie sociale. Les algorithmes doivent pouvoir être contrôlés, entre autres, pour se protéger contre la discrimination et les fake news.
- Le chapitre sur la protection des investissements est une violation de la souveraineté des États. Le mécanisme réformé d’arbitrage entre investisseurs et États (Système juridictionnel des investissements ou ICS, Investment Court System) permet toujours l’utilisation des mêmes clauses connues du système ISDS, notamment le traitement juste et équitable et l’expropriation indirecte. Ces règles, qui s’appliquent déjà aux 18 accords bilatéraux d’investissement entre le Chili et les États membres de l’UE, sont étendues aux neuf autres États membres de l’UE avec ce nouvel accord. L’ICS reste une juridiction parallèle exclusive, accessible uniquement aux investisseurs, pas aux États membres, ni aux communautés touchées par la raréfaction de l’eau ou l’extinction des espèces.
- Enfin, le chapitre sur l’énergie et les matières premières contient des clauses qui sont préoccupantes pour le Chili. Ce chapitre garantit l’accès de l’Europe aux ressources énergétiques, telles que le lithium, le cuivre et les carburants renouvelables, comme l’hydrogène dit vert. Le chapitre introduit également des mécanismes qui limitent la capacité de l’État à décider de la manière de réguler ses communs naturels. L’accord défend les intérêts de l’UE, et son objectif de transition énergétique et d’électromobilité qui nécessite l’importation de certains matériaux stratégiques, mais ignore les intérêts du Chili et les conséquences que ce dernier devra subir. Selon l’accord, les partenaires commerciaux sont soumis aux principes de transparence et de non-discrimination, ainsi qu’aux règles du marché et des prix internationaux, concernant les ventes à l’UE. Si le Chili veut prélever des taxes plus élevées sur, par exemple, les produits miniers, introduire des subventions, fixer ses propres prix et imposer des réglementations aux investissements étrangers, ces mesures seraient considérées comme des obstacles (techniques) au commerce et pourraient entraîner des sanctions. Ainsi, avec ce chapitre, l’UE a la garantie que le Chili vendra son lithium, entre autres, au même prix qu’à un entrepreneur local ou à un pays voisin, sans taxes, ni restrictions d’entrée. Cela vaut également pour l’accès aux infrastructures (énergétiques), qui doit être possible sans aucune restriction, ni compensations spéciales.
Le néocolonialisme européen
Cet accord est l’expression d’une conception néocoloniale du commerce. Il favorise les intérêts européens, tout en ignorant les conséquences massives pour le Chili. Par exemple, pour chaque kilo d’hydrogène, dix litres d’eau douce déminéralisée et de l’énergie à grande échelle sont utilisés, provenant de la conversion de terres agricoles en sites pour des projets photovoltaïques ou éoliens, dans des zones déjà fragilisées par l’extractivisme qui a prévalu ces dernières décennies. Tout cela est orienté vers l’exportation. Pour les territoires et les écosystèmes où l’on trouve du lithium et d’autres minéraux, mais aussi pour les communautés, les impacts de l’exploitation intensive des marais salants et de leur environnement sont déjà visibles. Cet accord obsolète vise seulement à assurer la mobilité électrique en UE et les activités de ses entreprises transnationales, et contribuera à perpétuer l’utilisation de la voiture dans l’UE au lieu, par exemple, de privilégier les transports publics. La transition du système énergétique européen ne doit pas se faire au détriment de l’environnement, des sociétés et du climat des pays du Sud, en l’occurrence du Chili. Nous appelons donc à rejeter l’accord d’association «modernisé» de l’UE avec le Chili.
Nous devons aller vers un modèle de transition donnant la priorité à la vie, à la production durable et à la justice environnementale et climatique, et non aux marchés et aux politiques court-termistes.
#StopEUChile
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