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Exponen en México sobre estrategias de desinformación global, imperialismo y corporaciones transnacionales: El caso de los TLC´s y el TPP

II Taller Medios de Comunicación Social Del Foro de Sao Paulo. “No hay Independencia sin Comunicación Democrática”. Ciudad de México, 28 y 29 de noviembre de 2018.

Esquema y síntesis de la exposición:

“Estrategias de desinformación global imperialismo y corporaciones transnacionales. El caso de los Tratados de Libre Comercio TLC y el Tratado Transpacífico TPP. Contribuir a una alternativa global desde los pueblos.”

Expositor: Esteban Silva Cuadra (Chile).

Contexto y elementos de diagnóstico:

25 años de Tratados de Libre Con (TLC) y Tratados Bilaterales de Inversión (TBI) en nuestra América.

Hace algunos días en Buenos Aires, Argentina, en el marco de las actividades de los movimientos y organizaciones sociales en contra de la Cumbre del G20, hemos constituido una confluencia de plataformas y organizaciones sociales y sindicales a nivel de América Latina y el Caribe, llamada América Latina Mejor sin TLC.

Entre los contenidos que contiene su declaración fundacional, quisiera recoger algunos elementos de diagnóstico y contexto para nuestro debate:

Desde hace 25 años se han negociado e implementado en América Latina y el Caribe decenas de TLC’s y Tratados Bilaterales de Inversiónn (TBI), las consecuencias de estos Tratados han sido evidentes para nuestros pueblos:

Aumentaron el poder de las empresas y corporaciones transnacionales en la región, redujeron aranceles, abrieron mercados, blindaron las privatizaciones de los servicios públicos, encarecieron exponencialmente el precio de los medicamentos a través de monopolios y restringieron la producción y acceso a genéricos mediante nuevos mecanismos regulatorios, facilitaron la introducción de los agrotóxicos en los campos, favorecieron el desmonte, profundizaron el daño ambiental, precarizaron el empleo (que afecta especialmente a mujeres y migrantes) y otorgaron privilegios desproporcionados a los inversores extranjeros ( particularmente al capital financiero especulativo) por sobre los ciudadanos.

Estos son algunos de los efectos negativos estructurales de estos Tratados en nuestros pueblos.

Si bien hace más de 10 años nos opusimos al Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas (ALCA) impulsada por el gobierno de Estados Unidos como expresión Imperialista en alianza con las grandes Corporaciones Transnacionales, porque entendimos desde nuestro ámbito que el ALCA era (entre otros aspectos) la herramienta legal de los grupos del capital más concentrado del continente que impulsan y empujaban por la apertura, la privatización y la desregulación indiscriminada en nuestros países.

Hoy los nuevos TLC y los Tratados llamados de tercera y cuarta generación, van en el mismo camino del ALCA.

Buena parte de estos tratados contienen los mismos capítulos y disposiciones: servicios, contratación pública, telecomunicaciones, propiedad intelectual, inversiones. Que contienen el mecanismo de solución de controversias inversor – Estado junto con otros temas nuevos pero que juegan a favor de las grandes Corporaciones Trasnacionales como el comercio electrónico, la coherencia regulatoria, y los obstáculos técnicos al comercio. Todos estos temas están presentes en los tratados de libre comercio que negocian y firman nuestros países con Estados Unidos y con la Unión Europea, así como con China y los países del sudeste asiático, como el Tratado Transpacífico TPP.

Pero estos temas también están presentes en todos los nuevos TLC intrarregionales como los que se negocian actualmente desde la mal llamada convergencia de la Alianza del Pacífico y el Mercosur ( cada vez más debilitado y desarmado). Los nuevos TLC impulsados por los gobiernos al servicio de las grandes empresas y corporaciones transnacionales poseen los temas llamados “detras de las fronteras” que intervienen en los mecanismos de toma de decisiones de los Estados. Un ejemplo claro de esto es el mecanismo de coherencia interna de los países e incluye el diálogo con las partes interesadas del sector privado, así los Estados deben facilitar al máximo la circulación de las inversiones y las mercancías pero en contradicción niegan la circulación de las personas. Entonces quién verdaderamente gana con estos Tratados de Libre Comercio son las empresas transnacionales y los capitales más concentrados, mientras pierden los pueblos, los trabajadores y trabajadoras, los campesinos y pueblos originarios, pierde la ciudadanía.

25 años de tratados de Libre Comercio han implicado una indiscriminada ganancia y privilegios extraordinarios para las corporaciones transnacionales y los inversores extranjeros en nuestra región. Además de los tratados bilaterales de inversión estos TLC’s nos dan sobrada evidencia de lo asimétricos que son los derechos de inversores y Estados. Los derechos de los inversores se han convertido en un nuevo estándar para las legislaciones, mientras se continúa socavando la aplicación de los derechos humanos y derechos medioambientales esas disposiciones que pasan a ser llamadas leyes blandas frente a las prerrogativas privadas de las empresas e inversores que han usado estos instrumentos para demandar masivamente a nuestros países en los Tribunales de arbitraje internacional comercial y mientras que los Estados sólo pueden llevar a una empresa privada por violación de derechos humanos o medioambientales a los propios Tribunales nacionales y que luego son acusados de parciales y poco objetivos.

Sobre el Tratado Transpacífico TPP suscrito el 8 de marzo del 2018 en Santiago de Chile:

* Este Tratado multilateral ha sido considerado por movimientos sociales y de trabajadores como el peor Tratado de Libre Comercio de la historia. Desde la Plataforma de organizaciones Chile Mejor sin TLC, sostenemos que el Tratado transpacífico es la expresión más extrema de cómo las grandes corporaciones transnacionales pueden usar a los gobiernos y a las democracias liberales como meros instrumentos de su voluntad, transversalmente, valiéndose para ello de la completa y total desinformación de las fuerzas políticas, del parlamento y del conjunto la ciudadanía sobre los alcances e impactos negativos de este Tratado multilateral.

* Las negociaciones sobre el Tratado Transpacifico TPP fueron realizadas por los respectivos gobiernos en completo y total secretismo bajo cláusulas draconianas de secreto y los llamados Cuartos Adjuntos sirvieron para presentar como cuarta la fachada de la pseudo participación de los sectores económicos y sociales involucrados en cada país, sino que más bien se constituyeron en mecanismos para legitimar sin contrapeso el lobby e influencia de las grandes Corporaciones Transnacionales.Tampoco hubo participación de delegaciones de parlamentos nacionales, los que sólo operan como meros buzones receptores en la aprobación o rechazo de estosTratados.

El TPP considerado hasta hoy el gran macro tratado al igual que el que pretendía ser en las Américas el ALCA consolida una influencia y hegemonía global a partir de reglas de juego beneficiosas para el capitalismo global del norte y la pérdida mayor de soberanía de los Estados signatarios toda vez que establece que las Corporaciones transnacionales y empresas privadas globales puedan demandar a los Estados si consideran que una Ley o reglamentación nacional, establecida soberanamente por alguno de los países signatarios, perjudica o afectaría su llamada “legítima expectativa de ganancia”. Al mismo tiempo, se establece un Panel de Revisión de las Legislaciones nacionales de países para hacerlas coherentes con los contenidos establecidos del TPP. Es decir, la desregulación pasa a la fase de establecer mecanismos supranacionales para terminar o debilitar estructuralmente con todo control o marco regulatorio soberano de los Estados en favor de las grandes Corporaciones Transnacionales.

Sobre el peso de las Corporaciones Transnacionales del norte del planeta que son las que más se benefician con estos Tratados; Según el economista peruano y profesor de la UNAM de México, Oscar Ugarteche:

* 51 de las economías más grandes del mundo son corporaciones.En este contexto financiero y de dominio económico, las empresas transnacionales mantienen el 90% de todas las patentes de tecnología y productos en el mundo y participan del 70% del comercio mundial.

* El número de empresas transnacionales en el mundo saltó de 7000 en 1970 a 40.000 en 1995. La casa matriz de las corporaciones se concentra por lo general en el norte hemisférico en países industrializados donde están basados el 90% del total. De éstos, más de la mitad provienen de Francia, Holanda, Japón y Estados Unidos.

En el ámbito de la izquierdas, de las fuerzas progresistas y antineoliberales existe una débil comprensión y sistematización de esta nueva modalidad de la arquitectura capitalista a nivel global sumado a una débil relación entre las izquierdas políticas y las izquierdas sociales que adversan estos modelos y que buscamos alternativas globales, subregionales y locales al capitalismo neoliberal.

Sólo mencionar algunos ejemplos:

Si bien el documento el “Consenso de nuestra América” elaborado por el Foro de Sao Paulo, representa un avance importante en la construcción de alternativas al neoliberalismo y en el documento se hace mención a modo de diagnóstico de la actual arremetida de Tratados de Libre Comercio y Tratados Bilaterales de Inversión en favor de las Corporaciones Transnacionales y del capital especulativo financiero global, las propuestas de superación o de generación de alternativas articuladas en una escala regional y mundial (desde el sur) siguen siendo débiles y se encuentran todavía en estado de formulaciones muy generales.

Creo que aquí se concentra uno de los aspectos que reflejan más dramáticamente el desarme ideológico de las fuerzas anticapitalistas y socialistas y la necesidad de su rearme y articulación programática y de lucha para enfrentar esta nueva complejidad producida por la fase del capitalismo mundial y hegemónico del Norte en relación al capitalismo periférico de nuestros países del Sur.

Incluso instancias de construcción de alternativas de alianzas de países con gobiernos de orientación socialista y/o anti neoliberal cómo es la Alianza Bolivariana de los Pueblos ALBA-CTP no cuentan hasta hoy con una sistematización y reflexión importante de sus propios procesos y avances de alternativa en materia del intercambio y complementariedad económica, productiva, social y comercial diferente a la neoliberal expresada en este tipo de Acuerdos y Tratados que nos pudieran permitir proyectar ejes de trabajo y de alternativa que enriquezcan el pensamiento teórico y práctico (y de elaboración de alternativas) de las fuerzas populares y políticas transformadoras, anticapitalistas y anti neoliberales, en un sentido más amplio, que adversamos este tipo de modelos y de Tratados de desregulación cómo son los TLC’s y Tratados bilaterales de inversión TBI y los multilaterales cómo son el TPP, TISA, etc en su modalidad actual.

Estrategias comunicacionales:

Temas y visiones dominantes y hegemónicas en los medios de comunicación que debemos enfrentar:

  1. Hacer frente a la idea dominante y hegemónica transmitida y socializada por los grandes medios de comunicación (para crear sentido común) en nuestras poblaciones de que sólo es posible el desarrollo y el crecimiento a través de la propiedad y empresa privada y de la nueva “religión” del estímulo y la protección de las inversiones extranjeras (sin precisar cuales no en que modalidades) que se presentan a través de los instrumentos como las TLC, y otros.
  2. Se esconden y se invisibilizan los estudios y reflexiones que demuestran que los Tratados Bilaterales de inversión no han servido nuestra región para atraer más inversión extranjera. Sobre ello no se discrimina ni se identifica qué tipo de inversión extranjera y qué tipo de asociación con los Estados y con la propiedad social y pública requerimos y para que sea más beneficiosa para nuestras economías y sociedades.

Lo anterior, impide que se informe sin distorsiones y también que se discuta en la sociedad sobre cuál es el papel que debe tener la inversión privada y extranjera (también la de los Estados o de Alianzas público privados de capital) en la búsqueda y construcción de modelos alternativos asociativos productivos, económicos y comerciales que permitan un manejo desde la propiedad social y la Estatal de los medios de producción y el reparto y distribución de la riqueza.

  • ¿Cómo presentar la idea de que no hay Tratados de Libre Comercio buenos y otros tratados de Libre Comercio malos, sino que todos los TLC son Acuerdos de desregulación y privatización progresiva y que precarizan las lógicas e industrias nacionales y transfieren gigantescos recursos comunes y bienes públicos hacia las corporaciones Transnacionales.?
  • ¿Cómo explicar y desarrollar la idea de que el mejor Tratado de Libre para nuestros países es justamente no tener TLC’s?
  • ¿Cómo enfrentar la manipulación ideológica que se nos pretende imponer al presentar falsamente los TLC’s como mecanismos que favorecen el “libre comercio” versus el proteccionismo?
  • ¿Cómo enfrentar al aparato ideológico comunicacional neoliberal dominante cuando pretende hacernos creer (para construir sentido común hegemónico) en el sentido de que estos acuerdos o tratados son parte o componente escencial de un mentado “Libre comercio” que realmente es tal?
  • ¿Hay espacio para la desconexión (es decir para construir otro modo y proridad de producción e intercambio)como señalara el profesor egipcio Samir Amin en materia de la producción y el comercio de los pueblos y economías del Sur periférico frente a las Corporaciones Transnacionales y al capitalismo del Norte global y hegemónico?.
  • ¿Existen espacios para proyectos y articulaciones nacionales y/o regionales de desarrollo distintos al capitalismo global de las Corporaciones Transnacionales hoy?
  • ¿Hay espacio para un proteccionismo solidario (de nuestras formas de producción,de nuestros saberes tradicionales) en relación a la globalización neoliberal dominante hoy en el capitalismo mundial?
  • La falta de transparencia e información sobre la manera en que se negocian y se imponen los Tratados de Libre Comercio sean bilaterales o multilaterales está directamente relacionada con la falta de democracia participativa y un progresivo divorcio entre los movimientos sociales y de trabajadores y sus representantes en los parlamentos a la hora de discutir y aprobar sin información y participación ninguna este tipo de tratados.
  • ¿Cuáles son los grandes desafíos que frente a los de los medios de comunicación y las redes sociales tenemos que abordar para hacer frente a la legitimación ideológica que los grandes medios de comunicación mundial asociados a las corporaciones transnacionales pretenden imponer para legitimar los TLC Bilaterales y multilaterales?
  • ¿Cuáles son las iniciativas , mecanismos y puentes qué debemos construir para articular a las fuerzas de la izquierda política y los movimientos sociales que adversan al modelo capitalista en su modalidad actual y que se expresa a través de esta arquitectura de tratados de libre comercio actuales ?
  • ¿Como hacen los grandes medios de comunicación y especializados para convencer a la opinión pública y a los pueblos de qué se trata de un tema que debe estar en manos de “técnicos” y que se hace prácticamente ininteligible y disociado de las luchas y las demandas concretas de l@s trabajadores y los movimientos sociales en nuestra región y en cada país?

Algunas referencias e información:

 

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